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Below is an excerpt from a commentary originally posted at www.speculative-investor.com on
10th May 2009.
One of our readers sent us a very interesting article from itulip.com entitled "Everyone
is wrong, again -- 1981 in Reverse Part II: Nine Signs of Inflation". The article
is an explanation by Peter Warburton (the author of the book "Debt
and Delusion") of why generalised 'price inflation' is likely to become
an issue by early next year, with comments by itulip's editor (Eric Janszen)
interspersed. We don't agree with every aspect of this article, but we do concur
with its gist and conclusions. Unfortunately, we can't provide a link because
it is in the subscriber area of the itulip web site, but what we can (and will)
do is discuss some of the article's main points and tie them in with our own
views.
One of the points made by Mr. Warburton is that global supply of goods and
services has been damaged at least as severely as their global demand, but
before exploring this point it is appropriate to address one of the many critical
flaws in the Keynesian theoretical framework. The Keynesians generally view
the economy in terms of aggregate supply, aggregate demand, and the so-called "output
gap" that stems from an excess of aggregate supply (or potential supply) relative
to demand. Right now they perceive a large economy-wide "output gap" caused
by "excess capacity", and on this basis conclude that there will not be generalised
price increases for many years to come almost regardless of what happens to
the supply of money. In a nutshell, they believe that it will take years of
increasing "aggregate demand" to use up the "excess capacity" and reduce the "output
gap" to a level where businesses will be able to raise prices.
The central error in the Keynesian line of thinking summarised above is that
it assumes the economy to be an amorphous blob. This assumption over-simplifies
the real-world situation to the point of making the resultant analysis totally
worthless. The real-world situation is that the inflation-fueled boom of 2003-2007
led to many ill-conceived investments, including the establishment of new production
facilities and service businesses that were not supported by sustainable consumption
trends, in SOME segments of the economy. These investments looked feasible
for a while, but only because the cost of capital had been artificially suppressed.
Now that the cost of capital has risen to a more realistic level the mal-investments
of the boom period are in the process of being liquidated, meaning that the
associated capacity is in the process of being eliminated. At the same time,
there are other segments of the economy in which there was minimal mal-investment
in new productive capacity during the boom.
What we therefore have are sectors of the economy where an increase in demand
is likely to result in an almost immediate increase in prices (the sectors
where there was minimal mal-investment during the boom), and other sectors
where it will take some time before increases in demand result in higher prices.
However, even in the latter cases the lead time from rising demand to rising
prices will likely be a lot shorter than many economists currently believe,
the reason being that a rapid capacity contraction is in progress. For example,
in the mining sector there have already been large reductions in capacity and
plans for the development of new production have been shelved. Furthermore,
additional large reductions in capacity are likely over the coming months unless
the recent up-trend in prices continues. This should mean that supply will
barely be sufficient to satisfy demand by early next year, even in the likely
case that the global depression persists. The food-production sector of the
economy, on the other hand, never had much in the way of "excess capacity" to
begin with and is therefore likely to experience rising prices earlier on.
We'll now return to Mr. Warburton's point that global supply of goods and
services has been damaged at least as severely as their global demand. He notes
that the credit crisis has had a greater impact on the supply capability of
the global economy than on its consumers. In particular: that business expenditures,
rather than consumers' expenditures, have been scaled back to the greatest
extent thus far.
He goes on to say that as businesses go bust and expansion plans are curtailed
due to the increasing cost of capital and the reduced availability of credit,
supply will continue to fall. As a result, the demand stimulus that governments
are attempting to engineer by increasing their own spending and by creating
incentives for additional private-sector spending will encounter inflationary
tendencies at lower levels of activity than before. At the same time, there
is a high probability that the money supply will continue ramping upward at
a fast pace due to the massive monetisation of government debt that will be
made necessary by the massive planned increase in government spending.
Falling supplies of goods and services combined with rising money supply is
the ideal recipe for an increase in the general price level. This "ideal recipe" is
what we were talking about in the 27th April Weekly Update, when we wrote: "...economic
weakness will not prevent a currency from losing its purchasing power in response
to substantial growth in its supply. In fact, it's the other way round. The
less stuff that gets produced by the economy the greater will be the eventual
decline in the currency's purchasing power stemming from monetary inflation.
Or, to put it another way, real economic growth puts downward, not upward,
pressure on the general price level, so during periods when the economy is
weak there will be greater potential for increasing currency supply to bring
about higher prices (after the usual 'confusing' lag, of course)."
Other 'building blocks of generalised price inflation' mentioned by Mr. Warburton
include:
1. While governments may avoid an openly protectionist agenda, global trade
is likely to suffer because increases in government spending will be targeted
to benefit the locals and to not 'leak out' into the global economy. This will
tend to put upward pressure on goods and services prices at the expense of
asset prices.
2. The public sector is notoriously less efficient than the private sector,
so as the public sector becomes more involved in the provision of goods and
services the effects of inflation will become more apparent in the prices of
everyday items.
3. With the unemployment rate likely to remain in double digits for a long
time there will be no political mandate to "fight inflation" until after the
inflation threat has become substantial and blatantly obvious to all.
Mr. Warburton's view is that evidence of an inflation problem won't begin
to emerge for at least another 6 months. This is also our view. Our expectation
is that another DEFLATION scare will occur between now and when the effects
of inflation bubble to the surface, so there should be no urgency to purchase
inflation hedges. On the other hand, inflation hedges will be a lot more expensive
by the time an inflation problem becomes obvious to all. Consequently, it would
be a good idea to scale into such positions over the coming 6 months.
We continue to believe that gold will be the best hedge against the problems
to come. This is not because gold is always a good hedge against monetary inflation,
because it isn't. For example, there have been many times when gold has fared
poorly in response to rapid money-supply growth. It is, instead, more appropriate
to think of gold as a hedge against government stupidity and the negative economic
effects of that stupidity, and rarely in history have the governments of 'free'
and developed countries acted as stupidly as they are today. As a result of
the way governments are acting and have committed to act in the future, economic
and monetary conditions over the next few years are likely to come together
to create the ideal environment for gold-related investments. Specifically,
we are likely to get the combination of rapid money-supply growth, economic
weakness, a strong desire by the public to increase its savings in terms of
something stable, low financial-market liquidity (liquidity and money are different
things), and, eventually, rising goods and services prices.
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