|
A baseline overview and a psychological, political, and historical approach regarding
the emerging gold bull market
Part III of XI
BACK OF THE ENVELOPE ANALYSIS FOR $1,000 GOLD IN FIVE
YEARS
To justify my $1,000 low-end price target within five years, I need to "run
the numbers" and then explain the assumptions behind them. Here they are:
| THE QUICK CALCULATION: |
Baseline |
Estimated |
| |
Gold |
Multiplication |
| Assumptions: |
Price |
Factor |
| |
|
|
| Intra day price of gold on 16 March 2004 |
$400 |
|
| Increase from current "suppressed" market price
back to "equilibrium" |
* 1.28 |
| Impact of continued dollar slide/global inflation |
|
* 1.28 |
| Impact of continued M3 growth and accelerating price inflation |
* 1.28 |
| Impact of declining mining production |
|
* 1.10 |
| Increasing Asian and general investment demand for gold/commodities |
* 1.16 |
| Impact of increasing crisis instability |
|
* 1.10 |
| |
-------- |
| Total: |
|
$1,177 |
I intend each of the above factors to be understated. Upon reviewing
my assumptions, the reader will be able to see how gold could possibly rocket
up to over $2,000 or $3,000 an ounce much sooner than five years. But before
anyone gets too excited, let us examine each assumption in some detail.
As usual in the investment business, I have a duty up front to warn readers
that market projections are inherently risky. There is always some chance that
we could get blind sided by unforeseen factors and that gold could behave contrary
to expectations. Conversely, it is also possible that the rise in gold could
vastly exceed expectations.
Please be aware that what applies for gold in this article also applies to
silver, which closed at a $7.53 an ounce on March 19th and has enjoyed a greater
bull market in the last year than gold. I zero in on gold because it is the
primary form of "natural money" that has been the main target of manipulative
efforts. Silver, historically the second most natural form of money, has been
a secondary target in support of campaigns against the main target gold.
INCREASE FROM CURRENT "SUPPRESSED"
MARKET PRICE BACK TO "EQUILIBRIUM"
Estimated increase factor: 5% a year or 28% cumulative
total in five years
At the March 16, 2004 intra-day market price of $400 an ounce, gold recovered
back to its 1996 level. It dipped to a low of $252.90 in June 1999. Can we
assume that gold was at a reasonable market level in 1996, was artificially
suppressed in the following years, and that now we can expect it to catch up
to the inflation-adjusted level where it might have been without the suppression?

Gold prices in current dollars. [Source: Gold
Newsletter, Feb 2004]
Inflation-adjusted approach from a technical or historical support base: At
$400 an ounce in 1996, gold was fifteen years into a commodities bear market
and had showed sideways technical trending evidence of "basing out." The inflation-adjusted
gold price chart above supplied by the Gold Newsletter suggests that
gold formed a base between 1993 and 1995 at roughly $500 an ounce in today's
dollars.
In a 2001 article that looked at multiple valuation perspectives, James Turk
used CPI increases from gold's $35 price in 1934 to determine that gold should
be worth
$463.
In his April 2003 article "The
Gold Price," Paul Van Eeden extrapolated the price of gold adjusted for
broad money supply M3 growth and gold supply inflation since 1947 and came
up with a value of $700 an ounce.
Supply and demand analysis: Frank Veneroso, a consultant to
central bankers, published the Gold Book in 1998, in which he estimated
the equilibrium price of gold at $600
an ounce for 1996. In his analysis, he looked at supply and demand inelasticity
and the likely market impact if central banks desisted from selling off gold
to fill the 1,000 tonne supply deficit in 1996. The gold market has experienced
significant supply deficits since 1987. The decline in gold to $252.90 in June
1999 was a major historic anomaly, given that countries tend to jealously guard
their gold hoards as strategic assets, and also given that gold supply gaps
usually foster higher prices until deficits are eliminated.

Dow/Gold Ratio vs. Tobin Q's Proxy [source: sharelynx
charts]
Gold vs. stock market valuation: Another equilibrium approach
compares gold to trough valuations of the Dow. According to Reginald Howe in
his Nov 1999 Golden
Sextant commentary, "The Dow/gold ratio moved from 1.01 in 1897
to 18.4 in 1929 before the crash, then fell to 2.01 at the bottom in 1932 (gold
fixed at $20.67/oz.). From 28.26 at the Dow peak in 1966 (gold fixed at $35/oz.),
the ratio fell to about 3 at the bottom in 1974, and to 1.04 in January 1980
at the modern peak in gold. At the Dow's peak in August 1999, the ratio was
over 40, an all-time high."
If we pick a ratio such as 3 from 1974, and assume a worse case scenario 72%
fall in the Dow to 3,000 within five years from rising interest rates, this
could imply $1,000 gold. This would fit older patterns if gold continues to
play "catch up" during a continued asset price deflation credit bust cycle
combined with simultaneous consumer price inflation.
The chart above, incidentally, is very useful for another purpose. It provides
a graphic indication of the huge and ever growing boom-bust pulse surges of
credit under the fiat money and fractional reserve banking system seen in America
since the creation of the Federal Reserve Banking System in 1913. The Tobin
Q Ratio that coincides with the Dow/Gold ratio above helps to validate
this concept, since it divides the market capitalization of all companies by
their replacement value. I will return to the topic of horrendous liquidity
surges in a fiat money system in Part VI "The Propaganda War Against Gold."
Getting back to the inflation-adjusted Feb 2004 Gold Newsletter chart
provided at the beginning of this section, if the growing pulse surge pattern
repeats itself, and gold tops its last high in 1980, then we will likely see
gold over $2,000.

650 Year Historic Gold Price [Source: Sharelynx
historical charts archive]
Gold brought forward through a Purchase Power Parity Time Machine.
In the very long-term historical chart above, we see a tug of war between
several factors. On the one hand, we see the price of gold drop due to a major
supply shock involving gold introduced to Europe from the New World after 1492.
Lesser price declines followed discoveries in California and South Africa.
An even bigger erosive force has come about when governments have demonetized
gold by effectively discarding various elements of a fully negotiable gold
standard while inflating in times of war, such as during the Napoleonic Wars
(War of 1812 for the US), World War I, and World War II. Conversely, gold gained
in value during the period of the international gold standard of the 1800's
combined with the gains in wealth created by the Industrial Revolution, when
the world added wealth at a greater rate than miners could add gold supply.
The source that created this chart claims the price of gold peaked several
times at $627 an ounce during this period in 1998 constant dollars. The gold
price in constant dollars also increased during periods of deflationary bust
(the 1930's) and speculative demand (late 1970's).
In Part
II of this series I described how the purchase power parity concept applies
to international trade. Here we try to put gold through a time machine. According
to economist Mark Skousan, a tailored suit cost the equivalent of an ounce
of gold or $20.67
in 1933. According to Peter Brimelow in "Gold
miners and Haberdashers" a tailored suit cost $1,260 in 1997 dollars.
John Hathaway of Tocqueville Funds commented in Nov 2003: "According
to Alan Flusser, renowned author and designer of exclusive menswear,
a bespoke gentleman's Saville Row suit could be purchased in the early 1980's
for around $800. Today, the number is over $3000."
We must deal with a number of complex issues in trying to adapt the purchase
power parity concept through time. America had stable money under a gold-plated
standard until the Federal Reserve was created in 1913. From then gold became
continually marginalized and "demonetized" in various ways as the money supply
grew rapidly. By the 1920's the official price of $20.67 an ounce had already
become a kind of governmental and central bank "bluff" that did not reflect
underlying money supply growth realities. Because the U.S. had gobbled up huge
gold reserves from various World War I combatants while a "neutral" trading
partner, in a bizarre way it was able to aggressively inflate the money supply
and look strong in gold at the same time. In 1933 FDR confiscated gold from
private ownership and then arbitrarily hiked the official gold price to $35.00.
In 1971 Richard Nixon removed the dollar from gold completely. In 1974 private
gold ownership rights were restored, but otherwise to this day gold has no
fixed exchange relationship with the dollar, whose supply has been accelerating
at historic rates. The price of gold per ounce as a purchase power parity yardstick
in each of these periods has a very different meaning based on many social,
political, economic, and monetary factors, to include ways that central banks
can play with the price of gold through systematic selling and governments
can reduce its negotiability through various forms of demonetization.
In addition, the purchase power parity approach does not necessarily factor
in how the advent of new technology should make items cheaper. As mentioned
in Part
I of this series, an ounce of gold purchased twice as much in Britain in
1914 at the end of its prolonged gold standard era compared to ninety years
earlier. Much of this gain related to production cost reductions from the Industrial
Revolution. Perhaps an ounce of gold should buy at least two or three low end
men's suits today compared to one a hundred years ago, whereas it may only
continue to buy one low end luxury suit on the high end. As an example, today
one can buy a low end Men's Warehouse Suit for $400. Do we double or triple
this number to $800 or $1,200 an ounce for comparison purposes if it reflects
a substantial input of modern low cost manufacturing methods or modern low
cost logistical access to low cost Third World labor? But then again, in the
chart above, if gold reached $627 several times during the gold standard era,
and the real wealth of the world has grown much faster than the average 2%
annual supply addition to the world gold supply during the 20th century, then
why would not gold's true international value be some multiple of $627?
ARE THE FORCES OF GOLD SUPPRESSION IN RETREAT?
The topic of gold suppression is worth covering in some depth. This is because
the degree of the effort and the extreme circumstances required to keep gold
down helps to validate its baseline value in a negative way, much like the
way a physicist who measures the force required to compress a spring helps
us understand the power of its potential spring-back. We also need to address
how gold and the dollar may have both been manipulated simultaneously, since
the dollar and gold tend to move inversely to each other. (cf. my discussion
of the so-called "Law
of One Price" in Part
II of this series). We also need to get a sense regarding how these same
forces for gold suppression may now be running out of ammunition and may be
in retreat, possibly allowing free market forces to push gold towards a much
higher free market equilibrium level.
I believe that gold price suppression between 1996 and 2001 involved both "lucky" short-
term events for the U.S. dollar combined with very real manipulative efforts
to support an upward dollar trend and a downward gold trend. Today what were
considered "virtuous circles" during that period have now turned into unwinding "vicious
circles."
"LUCKY" EVENTS FOR THE U.S. DOLLAR
Paul van Eeden's April 2003 article "The
Gold Price" describes how the dollar increased 120% from 1990 to 2000.
One factor involved foreign capital pursuing America's 1995-2000 stock market
mania. Van Eeden claims that flight capital was an important factor as various
countries experienced currency crises. As examples, from 1994-95 the Mexican
peso declined 50%, from 1995-96 the Japanese yen lost 24%; from 1996-98 during
the Asian crisis the Indonesian rupiah lost 76%, the South Korean won lost
56%, the Malaysian ringit lost 40%, and the Philippine peso was down 40%.
In 1998 the Russian Ruble was down 70% and the "new" Brazilian real collapsed.
And on it went. In "Understanding
the Gold Price" written in 2000, Van Eden claims that the Asian crisis
caused various countries to sell gold to help defend their currencies, helping
to knock the gold price down from 1997-1998.
TOOLS TO HELP "LUCK" ALONG
Jim Roger's article "For
Whom the Closing Bell Tolls" explains how loose margin, credit, and monetary
expansion policies by the Fed helped fuel the stock market mania, which in
turn attracted foreign investment and supported the strong dollar. Loose
lending practices by big money center banks helped create major mal-investments
in Asia and elsewhere that set up many countries for crises. Hedge funds
fueled by loose speculative capital then helped trigger currency crises for
their own gain.
The Clinton administration wanted the world to view America as a safe haven,
and had very powerful tools in its arsenal to help "spin doctor" this story.
I discuss in my "Amidst
Bullish Hoopla" article how the U.S. Government created the Exchange Stabilization
Fund in 1934 to help "stabilize" currency exchange rates. Of course where "stabilization" turns
into "manipulation" few people seem to notice or care. The U.S. Government
created the "moral climate" to manipulate currency in conjunction with other
markets, to include the stock and precious metals markets, with the creation
of the Working
Group on Financial Markets following the 1987 stock market crash.
Many different factors played an important role in the "lucky" 1990's. The
US dollar comprised about 68% of global bank reserves. The U.S. remained the
world's last "Global Superpower" after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The
US comprised about 25% of global GDP and presented an enticing market for foreign
exporters. Last, but not least, the US has maintained a hegemonic relationship
with two of its major trading partners, Germany and Japan, since World War
II.
The dollar and gold can have an inverse correlation with each other whether
or not there is government or central bank intervention. Manipulation can muscle
gold down a quantum level while it continues to zig and zag in short term trading
movements relative to dollar futures. Put another way, a long term inverse
correlation between the dollar and gold does not necessarily disprove the manipulation
case.
EVIDENCE OF OUTRIGHT MANIPULATION
James Puplava described strong evidence of dollar interventionism in the first
hour of his May 31, 2003 Financial
Sense Newshour show "Pulling a Robert Rubin." Before becoming Secretary
of the Treasury during the Clinton Administration, Robert Rubin had been a
currency trader at Goldman Sachs and understood the psychology of the markets.
Normally central bank interventions would buy enough dollars to arrest a dollar
decline and then stop. Beginning in 1994 under Rubin, the buying continued
to drive the dollar upwards and burned leveraged hedge funds. Puplava noted, "There
was a clear message here, and this was the beginning of the strong dollar policy.
They would sell gold and support the dollar, and that became the central focus...This
has been documented at GATA's web site." On
his show, Puplava frequently talks about "flag pole" rallies in which aggressive
buying in futures pits involving index contracts are used to move markets at
strategic moments.
Fraud note: It would not be out of character for American political
leaders to manipulate markets or suppress important economic information to
achieve short-term political goals. As an example, Pat Buchanan described hubris,
gross irresponsibility, and a high level game of hot potato in his article "Bailing
Out Brazil –Or Robert Rubin?." Because the Clinton Administration
had heavily promoted the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), it had
a strong political motivation to help bail out arch trading partner Mexico
during the 1994 peso crisis. Major US money center banks with serious Third
World debt exposure liked the way the strong dollar helped problem borrowers
by encouraging US demand for their exports.
The Bush administration has swept growing Third World debt problems under
the rug that it inherited from the Clinton administration because, as Buchanan
puts it, "No one wants to be in the pilot house when the ship hits the reef." Incidentally,
another monstrous debt problem that the Bush Administration is denying is the
$44 trillion Medicare and Social Security liabilities "abyss" identified by Dr.
Laurence Kotlikoff in his "Going
Critical," article and also on the Financial
Sense Newshour.
There are all kinds of political agendas we might come up with ranging from pork
barrel re-election strategies to longstanding Neo-Con interventionist
plans that could help explain who might benefit from gold suppression and
an artificially prolonged "feel good" economic environment. More on motives
later in this series.
GOLD SUPPRESSION
There are currently three major areas that show ample evidence of gold suppression:
The first is the Blanchard suit against Barrick and JP Morgan Chase. The second
involves data related to aggressive central bank selling of gold hoards. The
third involves commodities market manipulation. Let us briefly review each
of these areas:
Blanchard & Company, the largest bullion dealer in America, filed a $2
billion suit in Dec 2002 against the major money center bank JP Morgan
Chase and the senior gold mining company Barrick Gold alleging substantial
client losses as a result of unlawful price manipulation, anti-trust violations
and unfair trade practices.
The Blanchard case has now moved to the discovery
phase. This is very significant for several reasons. First, it may make
public hard facts regarding unlawful collusion to drive down gold prices.
Secondly, Blanchard filed an injunction to force Barrick to cover its massive
short position. If it wins its case, efforts by Barrick to cover its short
positions could substantially move the price of gold. Lastly, the discovery
process may shed light on the gold-derivatives related positions of JP Morgan
Chase. Already JP Morgan Chase, one of America's largest banks, is believed
by many experts to be leveraged at over six times its capital and to have
the world's largest gold derivatives
exposure. Many investors are worried that a sudden run up in gold prices
could detonate a meltdown similar to the Long Term Capital Management (LTCM)
fiasco in 1998.
Jay Taylor, who publishes J.
Taylor's Gold and Technology Stocks, interviewed Blanchard & Co.
CEO Donald W. Doyle for his 15
Dec 2003 issue. According to Doyle, JP Morgan Chase acquired a significant
ownership position in Barrick through a third company called TrizecHahn.
Barrick arranged an incredible deal where it can massively short gold without
any margin requirements for a fifteen year term. On top of this, it can roll
over its contracts indefinitely.
According to Doyle, at its height, Barrick accumulated a 23 million ounce
short position, which amounted to five times the global investment demand for
gold for 2000 and 2001 combined. This is also equal to the combined annual
output of every gold mine in the world's two largest gold producing countries
(the US and South Africa), or 80 times the speculative limits set by the COMEX
(Commodities Exchange). Doyle claims that all of this was more than adequate
to manipulate gold prices downward. Barrick allegedly treated its short positions
as off-balance sheet assets and did not feel compelled to include fair market
value changes in its current earning statements. It did, however, report $2.2
billion in additional revenue from its short sales. It also reported sixty
consecutive profitable quarters of short-selling activity. An unbroken profit
record like this is virtually unheard of in the volatile commodities trading
world.
Significantly, Barrick unsuccessfully tried to get the case dismissed under
the sovereign immunity theory claiming that central banks were involved. This
points a finger at the Fed. Also, Doyle said that he thinks a price for gold
of $750 an ounce is a reasonable inflation-adjusted number if the suppression
had not taken place, particularly given that Barrick began hedging operations
back in 1987.
CENTRAL BANK MANIPULATION
Central bank manipulation of the gold markets is an old story that goes back
in recent history to the London
Gold Pool episode of the 1960's. While promoting a guns-and-butter policy
that involved simultaneously funding the Vietnam War and his Great Society
social welfare programs, Lyndon Johnson wanted to avoid raising taxes at all
costs. His administration created fiat money out of thin air and pawned off
on foreigners over half the cost of the Vietnam War. (cf. the Mises Institute lecture: ."Presidential
Money Mismanagement from FDR to Nixon" by Dr. Joseph Solerno). To artificially
suppress gold as a barometer of inflation in order to encourage foreigners
to continue accepting dollars as a global reserve currency, Johnson sold off
America's gold reserves through the London market.
America lost so much gold during Johnson's gold suppression scheme that later
in 1971 Nixon decided to close the gold
redemption window for foreigners at $35 an ounce rather than devalue the
dollar or rein in imports. Within a decade after the Federal Government took
the lid off, gold soared to a high of around $850 in 1980 at the height of
double-digit inflation.
Fraud note: James Turk reports strong circumstantial evidence
that Lyndon Johnson may have foolishly
disgorged vastly more of America's official gold reserves than has been
officially disclosed. If true, this would suggest an interesting "the best
defense is a good offense" strategy to get other central banks to disgorge
their gold in the 1990's as part of a possible "national security" bureaucratic
rationalization to cover up spendthrift recklessness and arrogant unaccountability.
Former Swiss Rothschild banker Ferdinand Lips wrote in 2001 in his excellent
book Gold
Wars: The Battle Against Sound Money as Seen From a Swiss Perspective (footnote
75 to Chapter VII "Betrayal of Switzerland") that, "Recently, there has been
growing doubt whether the U.S. is still in possession of its 261.5 million
ounces it declared to be held in trust in the Department of the Treasury. Firstly,
there has never been an independent audit of the U.S. gold reserve since 1955.
Secondly, in September 2000 a strange reclassification was made in the Treasury
Report. Over 54 million ounces of gold were switched from the category of `Gold
Bullion Reserve' to `Custodial Gold Bullion' without as much as an explanation.
Even more mysterious is the May 2001 Treasury Report where `Reserve' and `Custodial'
gold have been entirely eliminated and are now labeled as `Deep Storage Gold.'
Thus far, the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Paul H. O'Neill, has not responded
to any questions put to him about the matter by politicians and citizens." According
to William Greider in his classic work Secrets
of the Temple: How the Federal Reserve Runs the Country, the
Fed has never been subjected to external audit either. Some Treasury watchers
think "deep storage" means the US no longer owns this gold. In the case of
gold stored at West Point and other sites, it may now belong to foreigners
due to gold swap deals. In footnote
20 to Chapter VII, Mr. Lips writes in regard to the decision by Swiss bankers
to dramatically reduce their gold reserves in the late 1990's: "At the time,
I was still naïve enough to believe that the Swiss central bankers were
motivated by a patriotic interest in the value of the nation's money. I was
wrong. All they wanted was to debase the currency. Throughout the world, central
banks are engines of inflation, and they have very little interest in sound
money. In fact, and especially in the U.S., the central bank is the creature
of the banks. They conceived it, they lobbied for it and, de facto, control
it. The purpose of the central bank is not to protect the currency, but to
protect the banking system."
According to Gold Anti-Trust Action Committee (GATA),
in the 1990's central banks sold or loaned out over half their reserves to
fill the supply deficit in gold that has existed since 1987. The deficit became
1,000 tonnes a year by 1996, and according to GATA head Bill Murphy, now stands
at around 1,400 tonnes. In the introduction to his 1998 Gold Book, Frank
Veneroso commented: "Statements by Eddy George, Governor of the Bank of England,
and Dale Henderson, staff director of the U.S. Fed have disparaged gold as
a reserve asset. The prospect of a never-ending crushing supply of official
gold now terrifies all the bullish advocates of gold and makes the bears supremely
confident."
An important part of the intellectual cover for the gold sales was the trend
by various European countries to form a European
Central Bank by 1998 and merge their currencies into the euro. Obviously
if the German Mark, French Franc, Dutch Guilder, and other expressions of nationalism
were things of the past, then various European central banks required less
gold to help defend domestic finances.
Ferdinand Lips describes in his book Gold Wars how various international
organizations used a variety of measures to help knock the Swiss off their
former Constitutional gold standard and encourage them to sell their gold reserves
in the late 1990's. The measures included propaganda that gold is obsolete,
veiled threats against Swiss overseas banking interests, initiatives to feed
the world's hungry with gold sales, and complaints over fifty years after the
end of World War II that the Swiss harbored "Nazi gold." Mr. Lips feels that
the latter charges were unjust, and claims that during the 1950's the Swiss
bent over backwards to identify, compensate, and otherwise help Holocaust victims.
Bill Murphy of GATA claimed in a May 31, 2003 interview with James Puplava
that he thinks the Fed has even arranged payments to foreign central banks
at prices for gold that are way above current market prices in order to get
them to disgorge more gold into the market at below market prices to help keep
the price of gold suppressed.
FUN AND GAMES IN THE COMMODITIES MARKETS
Bill Murphy, Ted
Butler, David Morgan, James
Puplava, and many other experts who closely follow futures exchanges
have frequently commented on supply deficits and overhangs of short positions
and derivatives contracts for both gold and silver. Currently total short
silver positions that have helped to suppress rising silver prices have grown
to 534
million ounces, a decade-long high, or roughly equal to the annual mining
supply. Although paper long positions are equal to this, David Morgan claimed
on the March 13, 2004 Financial Sense Newshour only
about 10% of this sum consists of "registered" physical silver in warehouses
available for guaranteed immediate delivery. Another 13% is "eligible" but
requires more paperwork for actual delivery. A market that becomes this thin
on physical delivery becomes particularly vulnerable when parties such as
the Hunt
Brothers in the 1970's or Warren
Buffett in 1997 demand substantial physical delivery, which can cause
silver prices to skyrocket. Morgan stated in his March 20th FSN
update he can see a possible eventual silver price well above $150 an
ounce. He cited such factors as severely dwindled above ground silver inventories
after a 15 year supply deficit, rising demand for physical delivery, and
an eventual reversion of the price ratio of gold to silver to somewhere near
its 1:15 incidence in nature. (On March 21, 2004, with $412.12 gold and $7.53
silver, the ratio was 55)
Gold and Silver Production Deficits and Cumulative Supply Deficits.

[Source: Sharelynx; cf. James Puplava & Eric
King's "Believe
It!"]
Most futures contracts roll over rather than settle for delivery, allowing
interventionists to paper over demand and drive down prices so long as physical
supply and demand for physical delivery do not get too far out of alignment.
In Gold Wars (Part IV, p. 81), Ferdinand Lips wrote: "As far as the
gold market is concerned, it is estimated that the `paper gold' market in 1999
is many times larger than the actual physical market. Estimates range from
a minimum of 90 to an excess of 100 paper-ounce contracts being written for
every ounce of physical gold that changes hands. This is not only mind-boggling,
or a Frankenstein monster as James Dines calls
it, but a king-size horror trip."
According to GATA, the Fed has the ability to indirectly manipulate both the
stock and commodities markets by feeding Wall Street firms money through the repurchase
agreement pool. This is about $40 billion in size. The Fed and US Treasury
can add another $30 to $40 billion from the Exchange Stabilization Fund totaling
$80 billion. Major Wall Street firms can borrow billions of dollars for up
to 28 days. The Fed can keep rolling all of this over, as if making a permanent
loan. Wall Street firms are free to use this money any way they please, to
include using futures contracts at strategic moments to move markets. They
can make really big money by following the Fed's "body language." Last, but
not least, they are highly motivated to remain loyal and sensitive as Fed "team
players" in case they some day need an LTCM-style bail-out.
FROM GOLD PRICE SUPPRESSION TO REAR GUARD ACTION
The artificially strong US dollar policy could not go on forever. The dollar
has been in decline for
the last two years. The initial phase of the US bear market in stocks that
ran from March 2000 to March 2003 began to shatter the confidence of foreign
investors, whose earlier capital inflows played an important role in maintaining
the strong dollar.
Low bond interest rates created by the Fed to prop up the asset bubbles are
discouraging additional short-selling in gold. Speculators used to pay .5 to
1% to borrow and then sell gold from central banks, and then invest the proceeds
in bonds. Bond rates are now so low that there is no longer a profitable spread.
Furthermore, the trend of rising gold prices has made short selling more dangerous.
This trend also discourages gold producers from hedging. If anything, the recent
trend among producers has been to unwind their hedges.
Even if gold leasing remained profitable for short-sellers, central banks
cannot keep selling forever to fill the current approximate 1,400 tonne per
year supply deficit. According to Bill Murphy, they may be down to only 10,000
or 15,000 tonnes in reserves. At some point central banks will run out of gold,
and world gold prices will skyrocket, making the central banks look even more
foolish than they already appear for having disgorged gold well below current
market prices in the late 1990's. In addition, one might ask what might happen
if they get rid of all of their gold, and the world goes back to a gold standard?
Despite Barrick's aforementioned alleged sweetheart deal that allows it to
continually roll over its short positions, we can not necessarily assume that
all the gold that has been leased out by central banks will be contractually
converted into gold sales at lower prices as gold prices continue to move up,
or that derivative insurance against rising gold prices will be adequate in
turbulent markets. According to John Embry of Sprott
Asset Management, "Strong evidence suggests that between 10,000 and 16,000
tonnes (30-50% of all Central Bank gold) is currently in the market. This is
owed to the Central Banks by the bullion banks, which are the counter party
in the transactions." Even a very small fraction of short covering in this
area could be explosive.
Politically, the European economic integration trend behind the creation of
the euro that helped justify gold selling is unraveling. Many countries have
balked at taking the last steps towards full integration, and many members
of the EU are becoming increasingly restive over their inability to follow
independent economic policies. As Mises Institute senior fellow Dr.
Hans-Hermann Hoppe points out, the EU has often simply added increasing
layers of regulation rather than helped to simplify and standardize regulations
throughout Europe. Friction created by Third World immigration and other issues
that fuel nationalism could motivate EU members to recreate their own currencies
and other tools of national sovereignty.
Rising global gold demand is also putting gold suppression on the defensive.
Russia has been accumulating gold, and according to John
Embry there are rumors that far eastern central banks are quietly buying
gold as well. Countries with large US dollar trade surpluses can do better
buying gold (short of running up the gold price) than buying US bonds. US debt
instruments can lose market value two ways for foreigners if the dollar continues
to decline and if interest rates start moving back up. Both trends are highly
likely.
Last, but not least, the strong bull market in commodities fed by Asian demand
over the last two years appears to be pulling gold and silver along with it.
On his web site Le Metropole Cafe and
in his 6 March
2004 interview with James Puplava, Bill Murphy of the Gold Anti Trust Action
Committee has been banging the table for silver, claiming that physical above
ground inventories of silver are very nearly exhausted. He claims that there
is evidence that China has contracted for 75% of
annual silver production in 2005. Explosive upward movements in silver could
help fuel speculative
demand for gold.
DETERMINING THE INCREASE FACTOR FOR THIS SECTION:
If we apply a 5% a year or 28% total increase factor to $400 gold, that brings
us to $512 an ounce for gold at the end of five years. This returns us to the
technical support base shown in the Gold Newsletter chart for 1993-1995.
Frankly I think it is highly likely that we will see $512 gold within one to
two years, not to mention five years, but I am trying to be conservative here.
The Gold Newsletter price scale is probably conservative to the extent
that it uses understated official CPI numbers.
IMPACT OF CONTINUED DOLLAR SLIDE
AND GLOBAL INFLATION
Estimated increase factor: 5% a year or 28% cumulative
total in five years
The U.S. is still running balance of trade deficits of around 5% of GDP. This
has historically marked the danger zone for a currency crisis. Chinese and
Japanese central bankers could easily sink the dollar overnight by simply conducting "business
as usual" in global currency markets, that is, by simply selling off their
huge trade surplus holdings. Instead, the dollar has made a gradual decline
over the last two years only because of their active intervention. This is
putting an increasing strain on their economies while rapidly
growing trade within the Australia-Asia area provides an increasingly attractive
alternative. As an example, Japan spent the equivalent of $180 billion buying
depreciating dollars to protect companies against a rising yen in 2003. This
was twice Japan's trade merchandise surplus and about 50%
more than what Japan has received for its exports to the U.S. in each of
last two years. In mid-March of this year Japan signaled that it might dramatically reduce
support for the dollar.
As I discuss in Part
II, the rise in the price of gold in dollars against the dollar decline
over the last two years has actually been more of a dollar bear market than
a gold bull market. But as China and various First World countries continue
to inflate their currencies to help maintain export competitiveness to
the U.S., this may create a global inflationary bull market for gold as well
as undermine the ability of the US to correct its balance of trade problems.
We could wind up with a global inflationary bull market for gold on top of
a continuing dollar decline bull market for gold.
Professor Tim Congdon's 2002 World Gold Council research
report describes how the US would need to convert 5% of GDP to exports
just to stabilize its current account deficit growth with GDP growth. He
cites several independent research reports that predicted a 25-50% dollar
slide necessary to begin to find equilibrium. He presents formulas that describe
how achieving equilibrium is positively correlated with GDP growth and negatively
correlated with debt size and interest rates. Since we still have a 5% deficit
despite the dollar decline in the last two years, the 25-50% decline projection
may still be a valid forward-looking estimate.
In my Oct 29, 2003 article: "Templeton
Trepidations, Buffet Battle Stations" I discuss why Warren Buffett divested
his firm of $9 billion in US Treasuries and made massive purchases of
foreign currencies, and why John Templeton has remained out of US bonds and
invested in Canadian, New Zealand, and Australian bonds. Templeton believes
the dollar is likely to slide further, although he is unwilling to quantify
his views and comment on an Economist Magazine special report that
expects a 50% dollar decline.
There are two major issues involved with a sharp decline in the dollar. One
is that America has lost so much of its manufacturing base that it may take
much longer than in the past for it to overcome its structural problems and
benefit from cheaper export prices. An even more serious concern is the possibility
that a rapidly declining dollar could lead to many out of control vicious circles.
A rapidly declining dollar might scare foreigners, who may in turn accelerate
their disinvestment in American bonds and stocks, accelerating a dollar decline
even further. To lure foreign investors back, who buy about half of the Federal
debt, the Fed will be forced to raise interest rates. This can cause the stock
market to decline further, scaring away even more foreign investors, and putting
even more downward pressure on the dollar. In essence, America could experience
a crisis involving a plummeting currency, skyrocketing interest rates, and
crashing securities markets. This sort of macroeconomic behavior has been an
all too familiar pattern with many spendthrift Latin American countries in
the past few decades.
To add insult to injury, any sharp dislocations of the currency markets or
other markets might trigger another crisis similar to the Long Term Capital
Management (LTCM) meltdown in 1998. Robert Moriarity of 321gold.com commented
in his March 13th Korelin interview that
global debt now stands at $100 trillion, more than twice the world economy
of $45 trillion. Even worse, the Bank of International Settlements (BIS) reports
total derivatives at $207 trillion, or a little under five times the global
economy. They have grown from zero in 1971 when Nixon completely de linked
the dollar from gold. Derivatives help institutions hedge currency risk (previously
dealt with through the simple use of gold) and also allow them to pawn off
risk, leverage speculative positions, and avoid regulatory obstacles in building
loan volume. Adding further to instability, we now have record bankruptcies
in America in a supposedly benign environment with record low interest rates.
Moriarity observed that since Bush was elected, America has lost three million
jobs, and the countervailing gain of 750,000 jobs has been almost entirely
in the public sector. If interest rates start moving up, and if we also see
increasing instability between markets, this could help trigger a broad economic
crisis and a derivatives meltdown far too big for the Fed or any other central
bank to contain.
DETERMINING THE INCREASE FACTOR FOR THIS SECTION:
In choosing a dollar decline factor, I have selected the low end of Dr. Congdon's
research and am using a factor of 5% a year or 1.28% total over five years.
In this case it may be more reasonable to be conservative, since there may
be overlapping, interactive effects with the 28% factor that I use for M3 growth
that I describe next.
IMPACT OF CONTINUING M3 GROWTH
AND ACCELERATING PRICE INFLATION
Estimated increase factor: 5% a year or 28% cumulative
total in five years

Charts that tell a big part of the story. [source: Grandfather
Economic Report].
In the long run price inflation is a function of money supply growth in excess
of productivity growth. The Fed has been increasing the money supply 8-10%
a year over the last
five years. This is about the same rate as during the Lyndon Johnson and
Richard Nixon eras which directly preceded the double-digit price inflation
of the late 1970's. Real productivity growth has been in
decline over the last few decades and now stands around the .75% to 1.5%
area. America now requires five
dollars of increased debt to grow a dollar of GDP, and savings (the traditional
basis of capital formation) is at record lows.
Aggressive price inflation is already here. Congressman Ron Paul noted in
a recent press release that broad indexes show commodities have risen
49% since last spring, and that government CPI figures under-report inflation
by focusing on rent figures softened by displaced demand for housing stimulated
by artificially low interest rates while ignoring rising housing prices. Al
Korelin noted in his March 6, 2004 Korelin Economics Report interview with
Bill Murphy that so far in this commodities bull market steel is up 160%, aluminum
up 50%, copper up 120%, and lumber is up 93%. Murphy noted that oil appears
headed for $40 a barrel. He added that while the indices are screaming inflation
every place, the administration comes out and says there is no inflation, and
people accept it. "It is ludicrous, inflation is roaring, and Ron Paul is correct...In
the CPI there are things they say they do not count such as food, energy, and
then we have housing. So if you do not live any place, eat, or drive any where,
then there is no inflation."
Aggressive money supply growth is a longstanding trend likely to continue.
In his June 16, 2000 article "Lies,
Damned Lies, and the CPI.," Adam Hamilton explains how M3 has grown at
a 7.9% compounded rate since 1959 vs. 4.4% for the CPI. Fed Governor Ben S.
Bernanke remarked in Nov
2002 that the Fed is prepared to inflate without limit if necessary.
Total Federal, state, and local government spending continues to grow four
times as fast as the economy, especially now that the Federal government
is running fiscal deficits that are approximately 5% of GDP to help fund
its global war on terrorism. This absorbs additional global savings on top
of America's other "twin" deficit –the balance of trade deficit.
We are also likely to see aggressive M3 growth to handle other rising costs.
These other costs may include rising energy prices (discussed again in a later
section) and increased costs related to protectionism.
Rising oil and gas prices are an increased cost on the American consumer.
They typically reflect a combination of increased taxes to the government and
increased transfers of wealth to foreigners, since a little over two thirds
of our oil is imported.
We are likely to see rising protectionism as a political reaction to continued
job loss to China and other Asian countries. America has lost half its manufacturing
jobs in the last three decades. Unfortunately both the timing and the nature
of the new "protectionism" will likely increase drag on the economy, putting
more pressure on the Fed and US Government to create even more money to try
to make up for shortfalls.
Fraud note: The "free trade" vs. "fair trade" national media
debate regarding protectionism usually glosses over the most important issues,
namely taxation and self-determination. Instead, the debate tends to pay homage
to liberal internationalist ideology or pork politics. Protectionism means
more tariffs, which at root are nothing more than sales taxes on foreign goods.
All taxes are bad, to the extent that they wind up picking the pockets of the
productive, real job-creating private sector and transferring wealth to the
often wasteful, economically incompetent, and politically warped public sector.
It is true that tariffs can be a least bad form of taxation and can
comprise an important tool to steer business and reinvestment towards local
industry while creating barriers towards countries considered too alien, duplicitous,
or otherwise threatening for full social and economic integration. But despite
all of this, tariffs remain costly. The Federal Government may wind up raising
overall costs to society for the wrong reasons while it is already over-indebted
and financially stressed.
In terms of raising revenues, the government has little room left to raise
taxes to fund its runaway spending and massive debt obligations without throttling
the taxpayer goose that provides the tax eggs. Total federal and state taxes
on the average American are about 50% of income.
Cutting government expenditures is getting politically tougher. About 60%
of Federal spending involves non-discretionary transfer payments and social
entitlements. Although the official national debt at around $7
trillion currently stands at around 70% of GDP, this does not take into
account over $44 trillion in un funded current liabilities for Social Security
and Medicare that will start becoming a cash drain on the system once the first
wave of baby boomers begin to retire in a few years. Demagogic politicians
are likely to try to raise taxes anyway, just as they did in the 1930's to "spread
the wealth." They are likely to seriously undermine the capital formation process
needed to create more jobs and wealth, just as they did during the Depression.
And of course if they see that their policies are not working, their answer
to everything is usually always to print more money.
The Fed is not only creating money out of thin air to support runaway government
spending, but it is also fueling credit growth with historically low interest
rates to try to prevent collapsing bubbles in the bond, stock, and housing
markets. It uses open market operations to buy bonds to help keep interest
rates artificially low, monetize debt, and inject more money into the system
to help keep the asset bubbles inflated. All of this also causes consumer prices
to continually rise.
FOREIGNERS ARE ALREADY BEGINNING TO BAIL
Foreigners are beginning to ditch dollar reserves. Washing dollars back at
the US can only add to price inflation. Half of the $18 trillion in global
US dollars are held outside the US . About 68% of global central bank reserves
consist of dollars. According to a Lehman
Brothers analysis, in the last half of 2003 as much as $133 billion of
foreign exchange reserves in non-Japan Asia out of $2 trillion total left the
dollar for stronger, higher-yielding currencies such as the euro, pound, and
Australian dollar. Asian banks financed half the current account and fiscal
debt last year.
Vladimir Putin met with German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder in Oct 2003 to
discuss switching oil sales from dollars to euros. James Turk claims that OPEC
countries are already
tacitly pricing in euros. Many Islamic countries have threatened to convert
to a gold-based Dinar in protest against America's interventionist policies
in the Middle East and also as a defense against the declining value of dollar
reserves.
The next shoe to drop will probably take place when foreigners cut back their
purchases of America's fiscal debt issues and stop supporting its current account
deficit. At that point the Fed will need to start raising interest rates to
help lure foreign investment back. It will also need to print even more money
to handle rising interests costs on the national debt. In addition, it will
need to monetize portions of its own debt that foreigners and other investors
are no longer willing to purchase. The Fed will likely repeat the same pattern
of behavior that it showed in the stagflationary 1970's, in which it was slow
to hike interest rates to head off inflation that got into the double digits.
This created a real negative interest rate environment that lasted nearly a
decade.
As discussed in Part
II to this series, gold tends to perform particularly well in a negative
interest rate environment. We are likely to experience double-digit inflation,
if not hyperinflation, within this kind of environment some time over the
next five years.
DETERMINING THE INCREASE FACTOR FOR THIS SECTION:
I think that it is likely the Fed will continue to grow the money supply by
at least 10% a year for the next five years. 10% compounded over five years
gives us an increase factor of 61%. To be conservative, I have used under half
that number, or 28%, suggesting a 5% average annual compounding rate. This
is lower than the historic M3 growth rate of 7.9% identified by Adam Hamilton
since 1959. However, in the long run M3 growth and the dollar decline factor
discussed in the prior section have a high correlation, so a lower multiplier
factor intuitively helps to adjust for the overlap between these two variables.
IMPACT OF DECLINING MINING PRODUCTION
Estimated increase factor: 2% a year or a 10% cumulative
total in five years
Newmont President Pierre Lassonde commented in his July
7, 2002 interview with Tim Wood of Mineweb.com that, "...Further, gold
production is expected to decline by about 2-4% a year through 2010. Most
'marginal' projects have already been factored into the supply and demand
balance. In addition, with exploration expenditure levels at record lows
during the last five years, there are very few projects of any size that
are 'sitting on the shelf' waiting to be developed. What we are seeing now
is the logical result of the exploration budget cuts over the last five years
- a dearth of new projects awaiting development."
John Embry, President and Portfolio Manager of the top-performing Canadian
Sprott Gold and Precious Minerals Fund, stated in the Sept 20, 2003 update
of his Fundamental
Reasons to Own Gold, "...Mine supply will contract in the next several
years, irrespective of gold prices, due to a dearth of exploration in the post
Bre-X era, a shift away from the high grading which was necessary for survival
in the sub economic gold price environment of the past five years and the natural
exhaustion of existing mines."
Lastly, a Nov 2002 Worth
Magazine article reported that the World Gold Council estimates mine
supply is likely to decline 3 to 5% over the next few years, and noted that
the average mine has a life of 10 to 15 years. Government permitting, community
negotiation, feasibility studies, engineering reports, and environmental
procedures often stretch out mining projects as long as 5-7 years from discovery
until production.
DETERMINING THE INCREASE FACTOR FOR THIS SECTION:
If we factor in the impact of the lack of new exploration over the last five
years, as well as the impact of delays in permitting over the next five years,
and add on to this the impact of a substantial decline in mining production
due to normal mining life span expirations over the next five to ten years,
it seems conservative to use a 2% annual gold price appreciation factor for
a cumulative five year total of 10%.
Click HERE to continue to Part B of
this essay.
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